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Visiting Privileges

As Netanyahu arrives in Washington a final Israeli-Palestinian agreement couldn’t be further away

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Benjamin Netanyahu and Barack Obama at the White House yesterday. (Saul Loeb/AFP/Getty Images)
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Obama in the Mideast

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Part 2 of 2: Ramin Ahmadi, Lokman Slim, Martin Kramer, and Jacob Weisberg consider the president’s policies in the region.

Shortly before Benjamin Netanyahu’s arrival in Washington yesterday, his one-time adviser Dore Gold, Israel’s former ambassador to the United Nations, made the rounds to deliver a message that the Israeli prime minister would dearly love to deliver in person—but won’t. “The Israeli people have gone through a very tough time this last decade,” Gold tells me, before laying out the position he has presented to members of President Barack Obama’s national security council staff and the State Department, as well as to think-tank researchers and journalists: that Israel cannot return to the peace process as it is currently configured. The Israelis have been down that road before, and they have paid for misfired U.S. diplomacy in blood.

“After six Israeli prime ministers and three U.S. presidents failed at the peace process,” Gold says, “you’d think people would stop and say, ‘Let’s think about this, maybe a reassessment is needed.’ ” Instead, he continues, the default reaction is to pick up the shattered relics of Oslo, an approach that tends to ignore the Second Intifada and what he has noted was a 500-percent increase in rocket attacks from Gaza after Israel’s 2005 withdrawal. “In think-tank circles it’s said that we all know what the final settlement looks like,” he says. “But this is binding Israel to a legacy of failed negotiations. If you do that, no one would ever negotiate. What if Medvedev met with Obama and said, ‘Let’s pick up where Reagan left off at Reykjavik?’ ”

The sticking point is that Washington sees a negotiated Palestinian-Israeli agreement as a vital U.S. interest to ensure an orderly withdrawal from Afghanistan and Iraq. Indeed, the White House has been willing to beat up on Netanyahu over settlements in Jerusalem even as Obama seems to be hemorrhaging Jewish political support—and fund-raising—with a midterm election only four months away.

While Gold no longer works for the Israeli government, in his post as president of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs he is widely held in Israeli and U.S. circles alike to be close to Netanyahu and his senior staff. “Since I left government service,” says the 56-year-old former academic, “I have been obsessed with the need for Israel to articulate in the public discourse its security requirements in the West Bank.” Netanyahu asked Gold in 1997 to accompany him to the Map Room in the basement of the White House for an intimate meeting with President Bill Clinton and one other official in which the IDF’s concept of defensible borders was laid out to the United States.

While the Palestinians’ political demands are clear (a contiguous state, a capital in Jerusalem), the Israeli side, as Gold wrote in Tablet Magazine last week, “has been far more vague,” dwelling in abstractions like peace and security without clearly articulating what that entails. The project that Gold is now pushing in Washington is meant to fill that vacuum. “Israelis have taken lots of risks for peace,” says Gold. “They should not be in a diplomatic testing ground again.”

The book Israel’s Critical Security Needs for a Viable Peace is a collection published this year under the auspices of the JCPA with essays about security and diplomacy by leading figures in Israel’s security establishment, like Maj.-Gen. Aharon Ze’evi Farkash, former head of IDF intelligence, and Maj.-Gen. Uzi Dayan, former IDF deputy chief of staff and a former national security adviser to Prime Ministers Ehud Barak and Ariel Sharon. The volume’s findings represent a broad consensus across the Israeli political spectrum, and the fact that Lt.-Gen. Moshe Yaalon—former IDF chief of staff and currently the vice prime minister—wrote the introduction is evidence that the ideas have won approval at the highest political levels.

The book pushes three common ideas, some likely to add to the friction between Washington and Jerusalem: First, Israel, must not withdraw to the 1949 armistice lines; second, Israel needs defensible borders; third, Israel must rely on itself to defend itself and not on foreign forces as proposed by U.S. national security adviser Gen. James Jones, who has talked openly about replacing the IDF with international forces in the West Bank.

The insistence that Israel must retain the ability to defend its own borders—a basic attribute of national sovereignty—is the least controversial element of Gold’s blueprint. The issue is not merely the inglorious record of U.N. peacekeeping forces—from Sinai to Bosnia and Lebanon—but also the fact that the international community rarely sends its blue helmets into the middle of a real shooting war, which is what the West Bank would become if an IDF withdrawal left Hamas and Fatah at each other’s throats and eager to gain credit for launching terror attacks on Israel.

The concept of defensible borders is closely tied to the drawing of 1949 armistice lines, commonly and incorrectly known as the 1967 borders. As Gold explains in his contribution to the volume, successive U.S. administrations since Lyndon Johnson’s have all recognized the danger in Israel withdrawing to those borders. George Shultz, one of President Ronald Reagan’s secretaries of State, explained that “Israel will never negotiate from or return to the 1967 borders,” and the Clinton Administration reaffirmed the Reagan White House’s concept of defensible borders. However, it was during Clinton’s Camp David negotiations that then-Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak abandoned the idea of defensible borders in the hope of a radical breakthrough with Yasser Arafat. With the outbreak of the Second Intifada and peace nowhere in the offing, the George W. Bush Administration pledged not to hold the Israelis to the Clinton parameters and returned to the traditional U.S. position. “It is unrealistic to expect that the outcome of final status negotiations will be a full and complete return to the armistice lines of 1949,” reads an April 14, 2004 letter from Bush to then-Prime Minister Ariel Sharon.

Gold, who was not officially in the Sharon government, was nonetheless employed in a number of missions and prepared Sharon’s presentation to Bush on the significance of defensible borders during their first meeting, in 2001. Gold sat in the Roosevelt Room as Sharon entered the Oval Office with the index cards Gold had written. “Years later, when Sharon completed negotiations over the Bush letter in 2004,” says Gold, “he instructed his team in Washington to call me in Jerusalem to say we got defensible borders into the letter.”

Even as the Bush letter applied regardless of who sat in the White House (it won wide bipartisan approval in the House and Senate, with both Hillary Clinton and Rahm Emanuel voting in favor), the Obama Administration has not yet clearly signaled if it intends to accept the commitments of its predecessor. Insofar as Israel sees the letter as “the foundation for the United States to accept new construction in the Jewish settlements that encircle Jerusalem,” it is yet another source of contention between Netanyahu and Obama.

Perhaps even more daunting is the prospect of any Israeli government having to explain to the Obama White House that many of the land swaps from Camp David are not plausible in the context of defensible borders. In other words, everyone in Washington who believes that they know what Israel’s vision of a final settlement looks like is in for a surprise. Israel will have to retain security control over the Jordan rift valley, which means not just the river bank but the eastern slopes of the West Bank hill ridge. It is important to remember that the West Bank overlooks Israel’s coastal plain and 70 percent of the country’s population. If the Hamas rockets fired from Gaza were launched from the West Bank on Tel Aviv and Jerusalem, it could bring Israel to its knees, disrupting the country’s economic and social life on a massive scale and shutting down Ben Gurion Airport. Moreover, Islamist militants from all around the region would attempt to transit through Jordan into the West Bank to launch attacks against the Zionist entity, destabilizing the Hashemite Kingdom.

“The concepts in this book are very close to last Knesset speech of Rabin, given thirty days before he was assassinated,” says Gold. The rhetorical point is clear enough: For all the nostalgia in the United States for a visionary statesman like Rabin, a warrior and also a man of peace, he also articulated most clearly Israel’s need for defensible borders and said nothing about land swaps. If those ideas have been lost in the last 20 years, the Israelis are also to blame. “A lot of Israel’s biggest mistakes is that Israeli diplomats put forward plans and pushed it back to the military,” says Gold. “For instance, Oslo began with two academics, and later representatives of the Foreign Ministry came in. When it became official, that’s when the army came in, at the end. I strongly believe we have to reverse the sequence—to lay out Israel’s security needs and then come out with diplomatic process to protect them.”

There is no going back to Oslo, no matter what the Obama Administration believes or hopes. Perhaps the only thing saving Netanyahu from having to fight with a U.S. president and thereby unnerve the Israeli electorate is the incompetence of the White House. Had Obama not pushed Netanyahu so hard on settlements, twice, he wouldn’t have pushed Mahmoud Abbas into a corner where it was impossible for the Palestinian president to be less intransigent than the United States, thus freezing the diplomatic process.

The paradox of the U.S. president’s sympathy for the Palestinian cause and lack of sympathy for Israeli territorial and security claims is that he has managed to fulfill the dreams of hard-liners on both sides and turn back the clock 20 years to before the ill-fated Oslo process even began. For the first time in two decades, the Palestinians and Israelis are not in direct negotiations. A final Palestinian-Israeli agreement couldn’t be further away, which means that Netanyahu can smile for the cameras and shake the president’s hand and breathe easily, now that he doesn’t have to explain that a peace deal, if it happens, won’t look like what everyone in Washington thinks it will.

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Raymond in DC says:

“Israelis have taken lots of risks for peace,” says Gold. “They should not be in a diplomatic testing ground again.”

Both the Oslo process and the 2000 Camp David proposals have done enormous damage to Israel’s political and diplomatic standing. They put “on the table” matters that never should have been, only one of them being Jerusalem. One has to ask where in the world – or in history – has a single city served as the capital of two countries, never mind two as hostile as Israel and the Palestinians. Yet “everyone” presumes the division of the city is a presumptive requirement for peace and a viable solution. On what evidence, one might ask?

MaxS says:

Excellent article.
Oslo was Israel’s biggest mistake.
Ironically the disaster of the Oslo process has made Israelis much more wary of trusting the Palestinians. Unfortunately few in the West seem to understand this and think that the clock has stopped somewhere around 1994.

Ken Besig Israel says:

While I acknowledge that my understanding of Israel’s position is personal rather than professional like Lee Smith’s I am compelled to point out what I feel is an error in his and Dore Gold’s approach to the Palestinian Israeli conflict.
It is clear that any map or declaration of borders by Israel would be taken by the Palestinians as a starting point for demanding more territorial concessions, just as every Israeli proposal Jerusalem, security matters, or refugees is taken as a starting point for further demands for further Israeli concessions.
Fair enough, the Palestinians are trying to get everything they can one might say, since once an agreement is signed by Israel, the Palestinians, and guaranteed by the US, the EU, and the Saudis, there will be no more concessions and no more negotiations.
But a negotiated peace agreement with Israel is not and never has been the goal of the Palestinians, rather they have always seen the negotiations as another battlefield in their war to exterminate Israel and the Jews. The Palestinian strategy is to replace Israel with a Palestinian state, not to coexist peacefully with Israel.
Indeed when Ehud Barak offered Arafat almost 100% of Palestinian demands in 2000, Arafat not only did not offer his own plan or negotiating position, he did not respond at all to Barak’s incredibly generous offer.
When and if the Palestinians seriously want peace and start negotiating in good faith with Israel, a settlement will be reached in weeks, if not days. But so long as the Palestinians try to negotiate the extermination of Israel, they will be no peace or progress in that direction.

Tablet Mag is linking to Glenn Beck? The man who uses Nazi analogies every week on his show. Compares Pres. Obama to Hitler and runs footage of Nazis to illustrate his points about an American political party. Not only is he a nutball with an ever-decreasing audience share, he has garnered a boycott by nearly all of his advertisers for his crazy rhetoric. Tablet Mag should not be giving this guy the time of day much less giving his site hits.

It’s a shame, this would’ve been an interesting article, but the author’s credibility doesn’t benefit when linking to fringe elements.

Matthew Fishbane says:

“A.” makes a good point. We thought the link to Beck would be taken as funny. We don’t endorse Glenn Beck. But the idea that Obama is losing Jewish support is a serious one, and, to not lose it, we have now linked to Gallup, in replacement of the former link.

Thank you Matthew! I appreciate that Tablet took the time to listen to a reader. It’s a pleasant surprise to know that Tablet reads its feedback. Quite a relief to hear it was intended originally to be funny.

President Obama’s declining support in the Jewish community is not only a fair point, it’s something the White House seems to have noticed as well. Their charm offensive with the American Jewish community and then today, the President gave his first interview to an Israeli TV channel. I had hoped for outreach from the President to Israelis earlier on in his term. He has to gain their trust in order to be seen as a credible negotiator of peace.

The American voters think that they have made history by electing Barack Obama – as the first Black President. However, the Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu (Bibi), in his interview with Katie Couric told the Americans that Obama may be living in the White House, but he takes dictate from Bibi.

Last March when Benjamin Netanyahu came to the White House, Obama dumped him for dinner. For this act of ‘anti-Semitism’, Obama was called a “secret Muslim” and “Jew hater”. However, this time Obama had to teach a lesson to Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan and Brazilian President Lula for voting against new UNSC sanctions against the Islamic Republic. He endorsed the war-criminal Bibi as “man of peace”. Ben Obama praised Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as a man who “wants peace” and is “willing to take risks for peace.”Obama went to extraordinary lengths in his efforts to rehabilitate Netanyahu and Israel in the face of popular anger internationally over its blockade of the Gaza Strip and the suffering this inflicts on the Palestinians. He said nothing about the continued construction of Jewish settlements in East Jerusalem and did not urge an extension to the partial freeze.

On Wednesday, CBS’s Jew anchor, Katie Couric, interviewed Benjamin Netanyahu. She wanted to know why 71% of Israeli Jews hate Obama? She also wanted to know if Bibi trusts Obama? Is Bibi satisfied with Obama’s policy towards Islamic Iran? Ignoring Bibi’s rant – Katie, however, did succeed in telling her Americans audience that the important thing is what Netanyahu thinks is better for them and not their elected President.

Thanks for the shout-out.

Please see our most recent publication from MK Benny Begin discussing Israel-Palestinian negotiations. “The PLO platform, as reaffirmed in the Fatah Congress in August 2009, states that their struggle will not stop until the Zionist entity is eliminated and Palestine is liberated,” he says.

Please click here to read the full article:

-Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs

“Their struggle will not stop until the Zionist entity is eliminated and Palestine is liberated”

Now, what you think the reaction of the French would be if the Brits occupy France and expel half of its population to live in foreign countries as refugees?

Well – When Iranian President Dr. Ahmadinejad made a similar statement in 2005 – he has been honored with titles like “Hitler”, “Holocaust denier” and “Jew hater”. Are you saying that pro-West FATAH is also a “holocaust denier”?

“….CBS’s Jew anchor, Katie Couric….” You let the mask slip, Rehmat.

The problem now is that the linked Gallup page doesn’t say what you want it to say: “Importantly, the decline in approval of Obama among Jews since January is no greater than that seen among the general public. This suggests that since Obama became president, his actions on Middle East policy issues — particularly relating to Iran and the Israeli-Palestinian dispute — have not had a disproportionately negative (or positive) impact on his image among U.S. Jews.”

YEP – call Katie Couric and put her Jewish Hijjab back – Yahudit.

“There is a dangerous logic to US attempts to choke off gasoline supplies to Iran. As several articles in the US press have pointed out, even if major foreign corporations pull out of the gasoline trade with Iran, Tehran will still have access to refined petroleum products – at a price – through various black markets operating in the Persian Gulf. If financial penalties fail to stop gasoline supplies and bring the Iranian economy to its knees (as it’s not going to happen), a clamor (by the Jewish lobby groups) in the US for a military blockade is certain to intensify,” wrote Peter Symonds, member of WSWS international editorial board.

jerry shapiro says:

Defensible borders? What world are you people living in? “Peace and security” may be a worn out cliche, but defensible borders is certainly a close second. There are no clearly defensible borders in the 21st century. It’s just another stale response to support a bankrupt policy of stonewalling any real peace efforts. The Israeli people may or may not want peace (hard to tell), but the Israeli government clearly will have none of it. Israel is run by a cabal of Haredi-Russian emigre-Likud hard liners. In that environment, what chance would any peace effort have? American Jews may or may not like Obama, but more and more Americans who are not Jews are getting tired of supporting a government whose policies are clearly at odds with American interests. BTW, i’ll save the trouble and label myself a self-hating Jew. Then perhaps we can move the discussion beyond that other stale canard.

Raed Kami says:

You can choose. israel or peace. You cant have both. Its that simple

Avner Stein says:

“Defensible borders? What world are you people living in? “Peace and security” may be a worn out cliche, but defensible borders is certainly a close second. There are no clearly defensible borders in the 21st century. It’s just another stale response to support a bankrupt policy of stonewalling any real peace efforts. The Israeli people may or may not want peace (hard to tell), but the Israeli government clearly will have none of it. Israel is run by a cabal of Haredi-Russian emigre-Likud hard liners. In that environment, what chance would any peace effort have?”

Easy for an American Jew to say. When your thousands of miles away from your nearest enemy, and your President as the military under his thumb and can order the strategic bombing of any enemy state without international condemnation – it’s good to sit and criticize weaker nations.

Do you know what it’s like to live in constant fear of terrorism? Do you have a bomb shelter in your neighborhood? Is your home re-enforced with 3inch steel concrete as mandated by the Israel government in every Israeli home?

Do Americans live with a terrorist organization on their border, with scud missiles capable of hitting major US cities?

No, NO YOU DON’T. Defensible borders means just that – defensible borders. Israel has a right to defensible borders and it’s security apparatus should not be defined by arrogant Americans who haven’t fought a war on their home turf in the last 250 years.

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Visiting Privileges

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